Even as instability and civil unrest dominated in 2001, terrorist violence continued and threatened to aggravate against the backdrop of the elections that were held to the State Assembly on February 14 and 21, 2002. On January 7, 2002, four security force personnel were killed and seven others injured in an explosion that blew up their vehicle near Langmeidong in Thoubal district. A security force personnel and a political activist were killed when unidentified terrorists opened fire on a meeting being addressed by a candidate at Thoubal on February 3, 2002. Another candidate’s residence was attacked on the same night at Imphal, though there were no casualties. The residences of four candidates in different parts of the State were attacked by unidentified terrorists on February 10 and 11, 2002. There were no casualties in these attacks either.
In Manipur, 134 persons, including 71 terrorists, 29 civilians and 34 security force personnel were killed in insurgency-related incident between January 1 and August 4, 2002. There was, however, a substantial fall in the fatalities among security forces personnel and civilians as a result of terrorist violence in 2001, as compared to 2000. The number of terrorists killed in 2001 was, however, higher than the previous year. There was, however, a substantial fall in the fatalities among security forces personnel and civilians as a result of terrorist violence in 2001, as compared to 2000. The number of terrorists killed in 2001 was, however, higher than the previous year.
Casualties of Terrorist Violence in Manipur - 2002
Note:Figures compiled from news reports and are provisional. (More Data>>)
The elections to the State Assembly follow after the Union government extended President’s Rule in the State on November 16, 2001, for six months. President’s rule was first imposed on June 2, 2001, after days of political instability. However, central rule failed to bring in any significant change in the security scenario in the State. The Union government’s POTO ordinance labelled as many as six outfits in the State, out of a total of ten identified across the Northeast, as terrorist organisations. Even though 18-odd outfits are still active in the State out of a list of 35, the Union government’s ban only on the six hill-based groups was questioned in various circles.
The decision of the Union government, on June 14, 2001, to extend the area of cease-fire with the National Socialist Council of Nagaland-Isak-Muivah (NSCN-IM) ‘without territorial limits’ provoked a violent protest in Manipur. Protestors representing different segments of Manipuri society went on a rampage, burning down the State Legislative Assembly, offices of political parties and the residences of several former ministers and other State legislators. As many as 19 youth were killed in this spree of violence, which its perpetrators claimed was intended to protect the State’s territorial integrity. The violence ended only after July 27, 2001, when the Union government announced the reversion of the cease-fire agreement to the pre-June 14 status quo, implying that the agreement would be applicable only in Nagaland. The episode as a whole appears to have left a deep mark on the psyche of the Manipuris. The relationship between the Meiteis and the Nagas in the State deteriorated, accentuating the divide between the people in the hills and the valley. On August 8, 2001, the Naga People’s Convention held at Senapati decided to form their own governing body, snapping all ties with the Manipuri State government.
The continuing insecurity among Meiteis can be judged from the fact that there have been repeated demands by various organisations in the State to bring in transparency in the ongoing Naga talks. The Assembly election in the State in the month of February 2002 were substantially fought with the issue of territorial integrity as a central focus.
Several extremist groups continued with sporadic acts of violence throughout the year. The various factions of Kanglei Yawol Kunna Lup (KYKL), the Manipur People’s Liberation Front (MPLF), the People’s Revolutionary Party of Kangleipak (PREPAK), the People’s Liberation Army (PLA), the United National Liberation Front (UNLF) and the Kangleipak Communist Party (KCP) remained active. In addition to the local insurgency, internecine clashes between the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) factions also disturbed peace in the border districts between Nagaland and Manipur.
These terrorist groups increasingly appear to be dominating the society as a whole. This was particularly the case during the period of the absence of a representative government. The groups had gradually begun running a parallel administration in the State. More disturbingly, people had started accepting the authority of these groups both out of fear and a growing distrust of the administration. Groups such as the Revolutionary People’s Front (RPF) started issuing residential permits to the non-Manipuris ‘authorising’ them to continue staying in the State. The KYKL (K) imposed a dress code on women, threatening to punish the violators with death. The UNLF closed down a vernacular daily, The Naharol Gi Thoudang, as the newspaper published reports on the UNLF’s involvement in the killing of two engineers and a contractor who refused to submit to their extortion demands.
The KYKL (O) launched ‘Operation New Kangleipak’, an anti-corruption campaign targeting the educational sector in the State. On two occasions it punished bureaucrats and teachers ostensibly for corruption. On January 13, 2002, two professors from the Manipur University were shot in their legs on charges of having taken bribes. The Manipur University Students Union (MUSU) has welcomed the campaign by the KYKL (O). Earlier on October 27, 2001, the Director of the Education department was abducted and released on November 8, 2001, only after a similar punishment had been inflicted on him. These incidents, while symbolising an increasing lack of faith in the administration, have also had a force multiplying effect on the insurgency.
The preponderance of the terrorists is increasingly acknowledged by influential sections of civil society. On September 25, 2001, journalists in the State went on a strike against interference by the insurgents. The strike was called off on October 8, 2001, only after the UNLF and the PLA issued an assurance of non-interference.
Acts of resistance to insurgency and other perceived forms of oppression were isolated. The KYKL (K) had to retract its ban on the non-Manipuri dress code for women as a result of strong resentment by women. Similarly, some women’s organisations are also spearheading a movement for peace in the State. This movement is also targeted against alleged security force violations, with groups such as the Meira Paibi and the All Manipur Democratic Women’s Association maintaining a vigil against such actions. On November 3, 2000, Irom Sharmila Chanu, a 28-year old girl sat on hunger strike demanding the repeal of laws like the Armed Forces Special Powers Act, 1958. She started her fasting after 10 civilians were killed in an incident where security force personnel were reported to have opened fire following a mine explosion at Malom on November 2, 2000. The hunger strike continued till end-December 2001. Meanwhile, journalists in the State held massive demonstrations against the Prevention of Terrorism Ordinance (POTO).
Co-operation between India and Myanmar has begun showing results and is emerging as a major factor in curbing the region’s insurgency, particularly in Manipur. Terrorists of the MPLF are known to have been operating from the western regions of Myanmar for the last several decades, with the active assistance of the Chin Liberation Army (CLA), a Myanmarese terrorist faction. Myanmarese army operations in the Tamu, Namphalang and Khunjao areas of western Myanmar have been effective in curbing the operational capabilities of these groups. In the first week of November 2001, the Myanmarese army seized a huge cache of arms and ammunition from UNLF hideouts. Reports suggested that as many as 26 terrorists were killed and 200 more arrested in these operations. Media reports indicated that an estimated 1,500 AK series and other rifles were seized in these operations. Conflicting reports also suggested that the group’s ‘Chairman’, Rajkumar Meghen alias Sanayaima, ‘general secretary’ Th Sanachou, women’s wing chief Nganbi Devi, her deputy Banti Devi, and some ‘operation commanders’ were arrested in the operations. The KCP ‘chairman’ Kh Haedou was also arrested. The two groups, however, denied these reports.
National Highway (NH) 39 and 53, connecting the State with the rest of the country, have come under repeated attack from the insurgents following the June 2001 civil unrest in Manipur. In the absence of an effective highway protection group or visible presence of the security forces, the NSCN-IM has specifically targeted the National Highway to impose an economic blockade on the people of the State. The 109-kilometres long Imphal-Moreh section of NH-39 continues to be a target of extortion by the NSCN-IM.
In counter-insurgency operations secured several successes, most prominently against the Kangleipak Communist Party (KCP), as a result of which several top leaders of the group were killed. On January 31, 2001, eight KCP terrorists including the 'home in charge', 'finance secretary', and a 'district commander' were killed in an encounter at Khongman Manjil in Imphal East district. The outfit’s ‘finance secretary’ Saugaijam Bimalchand, was arrested in Kakwa area under Singjamei police station on May 4, 2001. Meanwhile, in what is suspected to be an incident connected with internecine conflict, the body of Puthem Ibomcha alias Leichil, the KCP 'commander-in-chief', was recovered from Yumnam Patlou on March 17, 2001. He had been abducted, along with eight others, by gunmen suspected to be members of an undetermined rival group. Similarly, the KCP ‘army chief’ Chingangbam Ibohal alias Dhruba alias Robert was killed by unidentified assailants on December 24, 2001, after being abducted from Sanasabi near Yaingangpokpi. Three terrorists of the group were killed by local residents in the Ekou and Saikul areas in Imphal East on district May 19, 2001.
Meanwhile, the Manipur Human Rights Commission (MHRC) decided to take up the issue of rehabilitation of surrendered terrorists in the State. This followed receipt of a joint petition signed by mothers of six surrendered terrorists, highlighting the State administration’s indifference. Previously used in the counter insurgency operations, these former insurgents have come to be viewed as having outlived their utility and have been stripped of their privileges even as they are confined to the barracks of the security forces, since they remain under threat from active terrorists. In November 2001, the MHRC asked the State chief secretary to submit a report on the status of the former insurgents in two weeks time, and to ensure that food, clothing, shelter and protection are provided to them. According to police sources, four surrendered terrorists have rejoined their underground groups. In response, the government submitted that allowance has been made respect of 88 surrendered insurgents during the 2001-02 fiscal year to the tune of Rs. 330,000 and some more would be rehabilitated after fresh budgetary allocations are made. However, available information indicates that the allocations made have remained on paper as the government continues to dither on naming the agency through which the rehabilitation of the surrendered terrorists would be undertaken, holding that the law and order situation is poor.
Several incidents demonstrating a nexus between some State administration officials and terrorist organisations have been reported. The Vice-Chairperson of the Imphal Municipal Council, Ningthoujam Ongbi Kamlatombi Devi, was arrested on November 18, 2001, for links with some female cadre of the PLA. Besides, the Union Minister of State for Home Affairs I.D. Swami revealed in the Rajya Sabha on December 5, 2001, that the State government had registered a case against a major students’ organisation, the All Manipur Students’ Union (AMSU), for suspected links with the terrorists.
Meanwhile, there were no breakthroughs in the efforts to negotiate with terrorist organisations. The insistence on Manipur’s ‘sovereignty’ by most groups remained the primary obstacle to this process. The PREPAK and the KYKL-T rejected the then Chief Minister Radhabinod Koijam’s month-long ‘unilateral cease-fire’ offer in March 2001. On the occasion of its 37th foundation day anniversary, the UNLF, on November 26, 2001, lamented the Union government’s inability to bring about political solutions to conflict in the region. However, the group had also stated, on February 13, 2001, that issues such as the independence of Manipur, the right to self-determination and de-militarisation must be brought under the ambit of the negotiations. In a similar vein, towards the end of December 2001, the RPF Secretary General, Samasam Gunen asserted that the outfit is ready for a solution to the problem ‘if the solution means independence of the State’. Press reports on September 19, 2001, suggested that the P.S. Haokip, chief of the Kuki National Organisation (KNO) sent three letters to the Union government proposing a cease-fire. However, as the government failed to respond, the process remained a non-starter.
The presence of 68 companies of security forces in the State, comprising units of the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF), the Border Security Force (BSF), the Manipur Rifles, and the Indian Reserve Battalion (IRB), has been stated to be grossly inadequate by senior police personnel. The Union government has been urged to provide another 226 companies in view of the forthcoming assembly elections in February 2002. Towards the end of 2001, the Border Security Force launched ‘Operation Sheet Lahar’ (Operation Cold Wave) to fight insurgency in the winter season. There have been no major successes in this operation that has since been called-off.