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SOUTH ASIA INTELLIGENCE REVIEW
Weekly Assessments & Briefings
Volume 16, No. 20, November 13, 2017
 
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Data and
assessments from SAIR can be freely published in any form
with credit to the South Asia Intelligence Review of the
South Asia Terrorism Portal
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CPI-Maoist:
Brutal Turn
Deepak
Kumar Nayak
Research Assistant; Institute for Conflict Management
On November
8, 2017, two Railway Protection Force (RPF) troopers were
attacked by cadres of the Communist Party of India-Maoist
(CPI-Maoist)
at the Bacheli Railway Station in Bastar District of Chhattisgarh.
Both the troopers were found with their throats slit.
While one of them succumbed at the incident site, another
was rushed to a nearby hospital where his condition is
said to be very critical.
On October
5, 2017, CPI-Maoist cadres killed a villager, identified
as Imra Kabasi, in the Bapanapalli area under Padia Police
limits in the Malkangiri District of Odisha. The Maoists
dragged Imra to the nearby forest and slit his throat,
suspecting him of being a Police informer.
Earlier,
on August 7, 2017, a group of 50 armed CPI-Maoist cadres
killed Nandapur Sarpanch (head of the Panchayat,
village level local self Government institution), Jaga
Khara, by slitting his throat at Hatibari village under
Padua Police limits in Koraput District of Odisha, alleging
he was a Police informer.
According
to the South Asia Terrorism Portal (SATP) database,
the Maoists have killed at least 13 persons using barbaric
methods such as slitting the throat, hacking or beheading,
including 10 civilians (including one surrendered Maoist)
and three Security Force (SF) personnel, in 13 separate
incidents so far in 2017 (all data till November 12, 2017).
These brutal killings were spread across four Left Wing
Extremism (LWE)-affected States. Odisha recorded five
such fatalities (four civilians and one SF trooper); followed
by Chhattisgarh with four fatalities (two civilians including
the surrendered Maoist and two SF personnel); Bihar with
three fatalities, all civilians; and Jharkhand with one
civilian fatality. The total combined civilian and SF
fatalities in Maoist violence across the country stands
at 158 in 2017 (87 civilians and 71 SF personnel).
During
the corresponding period of 2016, there were at least
19 comparably brutal killings, including 17 civilians
and two SF personnel, in 16 such separate incidents, across
four LWE-affected States in India. Odisha recorded a total
of nine such fatalities, all civilians; followed by Chhattisgarh
with seven fatalities (five civilians and two SFs); Jharkhand
with three fatalities, all civilians; and Andhra Pradesh
with two civilian fatalities. In the remaining period
of 2016, another two such fatalities were reported: one
civilian each from Chhattisgarh and Odisha.
There were
22 such fatalities in 2015, six in 2014; 10 in 2013; 17
in 2012; 29 in 2011; 30 in 2010; 51 in 2009; 20 in 2008;
12 in 2007; nine in 2006; and three in 2005.
Maoists
have used these barbaric methods of eliminating adversaries
since the formation of the CPI-Maoist on September 21,
2004. According to partial data collated by the South
Asia Terrorism Portal (SATP), at least 243 persons,
including 218 civilians (out of which six were surrendered
Maoists), and 25 SF personnel, have been killed using
these barbaric methods across eight LWE-affected States.
The total combined civilian and SFs fatalities, during
this period was 4,958.
According
to the SATP database, the first such killing after the
formation of the CPI-Maoist was registered on July 5,
2005, when Maoist cadres slit the throat and beheaded
three members of the Shanti Sena (peace army),
an anti-Naxalite (anti-LWE) ‘resistance force’,
after seizing all their belongings and destroying their
houses, at Khairpani village in the Gumla District of
Jharkhand.
Number
of persons killed by CPI-Maoist using Barbaric Methods
Since September 21, 2004* - 2017**
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State
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Civilians
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Surrendered
LWEs
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SFs
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TOTAL
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Slitting
of throat
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Hacked
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Beheaded
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Slitting
of throat
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Hacked
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Beheaded
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Slitting
of throat
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Hacked
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Beheaded
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Andhra
Pradesh
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2
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3
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0
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0
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2
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0
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0
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0
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0
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7
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Bihar
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22
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2
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6
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0
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0
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0
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1
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0
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0
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31
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Chhattisgarh
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30
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8
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0
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0
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1
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0
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9
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9
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1
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58
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Jharkhand
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35
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5
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19
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0
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0
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1
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1
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0
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1
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62
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Maharashtra
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7
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0
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3
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1
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0
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1
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1
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0
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0
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13
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Odisha
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40
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9
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2
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0
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0
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0
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1
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1
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0
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53
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Uttar
Pradesh
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0
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0
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1
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0
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0
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0
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0
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0
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0
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1
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West
Bengal
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9
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7
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2
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0
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0
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0
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0
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0
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0
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18
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TOTAL
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145
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34
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33
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1
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3
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2
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13
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10
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2
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243
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*
Formation of CPI-Maoist
**
Data till: November 12, 2017
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Jharkhand
recorded the highest number, 62, of brutal executions
by the Maoists during this period; followed by Chhattisgarh,
58; Odisha, 53; Bihar, 31; West Bengal, 18; Maharashtra,
13; Andhra Pradesh, seven; and Uttar Pradesh, one. As
a percentage of total killings, however, Odisha tops
the list with 10.11 per cent [number of such killings
out of all civilian and SF killings in the State], followed
by Bihar (6.39 per cent), Jharkhand (6.35 per cent),
Maharashtra (4.27 per cent), Chhattisgarh (3.35 per
cent), West Bengal (2.95 per cent), Andhra Pradesh (2.72
per cent), if Uttar Pradesh is excluded. Two fatalities
were reported in UP, of which one fell in this category.
An overview
of these executions indicates that the Maoists have
killed most of their victims using these methods because
the suspected them of being Police informers. A total
of 629
alleged Police informers have been
killed by the Maoists since the formation of the groups
(data till November 12, 2017).
These
barbaric methods remain unabated despite the fact that
the Maoists have ‘expressed regret’ in some such cases
in the past. Indeed, after the killing
of Francis Induwar, on October 6,
2009, the then ‘spokesperson’ and a ‘Central Committee
(CC)’ member of the CPI-Maoist, Cherukuri Rajkumar aka
Azad, while he justified the use of violence on
the grounds that it was in defence of the poor and unarmed,
conceded that the beheading of Francis Induvar was an
aberration that would not be repeated. Induwar who was
an inspector with the State Special Branch (Jharkhand
Police), was abducted on September 30, 2009, by the
Maoists from Hembrom Bazaar in Khunti District and was
subsequently killed on October 6, 2009, after the Maoist
demand for the release of three of their leaders – Kobad
Ghandy, Chattradhar Mahato, and Chandra Bhushan Yadav
– in return for Induwar’s safe release, was denied.
With
Maoists rapidly
losing ground, and a rising incidence
of specific intelligence operational successes by the
SFs, the orchestration of such killings reflects a desire
to create terror among people. These executions are
intended to act as a deterrent against any attempt to
‘spy’ on Maoists activities or to help the Police in
any other manner.
Indeed,
in a review meeting held at an undisclosed location
in early 2017, the CPI-Maoist concluded that their armed
struggle was undergoing a “difficult phase”. Of 16 Maoist
strongholds across India, the resolution spoke of “setbacks”
in some, and a weakening of the movement in others.
However, as K. Srinivas Reddy, the editor of Telangana
Today, who accessed the party resolution noted,
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This
is not to say that there were no deadly raids
against security forces by the party’s armed wing,
the People’s Liberation Guerrilla Army (PLGA).
They still have military might. But the movement
is losing its political force.
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Given
the reverses the Maoists continue to suffer, they are
likely to intensify acts to terrorize local populations.
SFs are going to be hard pressed to prevent these actions
in areas of receding Maoist influence. Only a continued
intensification of SF operations can keep the Maoists
off balance and on the run. Where local population progressively
turn away from the Maoists and specially where they
actively assist the Police, their protection must be
an overwhelming priority for the SFs.
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Nagaland:
Widening Accord
Giriraj
Bhattacharjee
Research Assistant, Institute for Conflict Management
The third
round of talks between the Government of India (GoI) and
the Working Committee of the Naga National Political Groups
(NNPG), a grouping of six armed Naga militant formations,
reportedly took place in New Delhi between November 1
and November 3, 2017. GoI was represented by the Union
Government’s interlocutor for Naga Talks, R. N. Ravi.
NNPG was led by the convener of its Working Committee
N. Kitovi Zhimomi, who is also the General Secretary of
the National Socialist Council of Nagaland – Neokpao-Kitovi
(NSCN-NK). Other members of the NNPG include NSCN-Reformation
faction (NSCN-R) and four factions of Naga National Council
(NNC) – Federal Government of Nagaland (FGN), NNC-Parent
Body, Non-Accordist faction of NNC/National People's Government
of Nagaland (NPGN/NNC-NA), and Government Democratic Republic
of Nagaland /NNC-NA (GDRN). On December 14, 2016, these
groups, at the behest of the Nagaland Tribes Council (NTC),
a civil society organisation, had come together in Dimapur
to constitute a Working Committee to steer a ‘permanent
solution’ to the ‘Naga issue’. The NNPG is led by Zhimomi
and includes the ‘co- conveners’ of the Working Group,
Zhopra Vero Kedallo (FGN), Hozheto Chophy (NPGN/NNC, NA),
V. Nagi (NNC-Parent Body), Kiumukam Yimchunger (GDRN/NNC,
NA), Wangtin Naga (NSCN-R), and Alezo Venuh (NSCN-NK).
Though
no further details are available about the talks, media
reports stated that Nagaland Chief Minister T.R. Zeliang,
who was present in New Delhi ‘with his team’, met the
NNPG leaders on November 4, 2017. After the meeting with
the Chief Minister, NNPG leaders stated that they impressed
upon the ‘visiting team’ to continue working towards ensuring
a ‘final settlement’ of the Naga Political issue that
is “inclusive, honourable and acceptable to all for long
standing peace in the State.”
Earlier,
the second round of talks between GoI and NNPG had taken
place at Dimapur (Nagaland) on October 23, 2017. The meeting
was held behind closed doors with the GoI team led by
R.N. Ravi and NNPG by Kitovi Zhimomi. According to reports,
the discussions focused mainly on issues of principle,
without delving into the specifics. In an interview with
Nagaland Post, Ravi disclosed that the October
23 meeting was on ‘substantive issue’ and ‘business-like’.
Separately, Zhimomi had stated that NNPG had set in motion
the process of political negotiations with GoI on the
basis of “historical and political rights of the Naga
people for self determination and identity.”
Significantly,
the first round of talks between the two sides had taken
place on September 27, 2017. GoI representative Ravi met
an 18-member delegation led by NNPG Working Group convener
Zhimomi. According to a Press Release issued on the same
day by the media cell of the NNPG, the Working Group and
GoI “officially began a political dialogue today [September
27], to resolve the protracted Indo-Naga political issue.”
The release added that during the talks Ravi pointed out
that the “moment was a historic one for both the Center
and the Nagas as the effort was aimed towards resolving
a seventy year old political problem through dialogue.”
The interlocutor had also stressed on the principle of
equality, mutual respect and trust for resolving the issue
and urged the Naga delegation “to be realistic and not
dwell on rhetoric.”
With this
initiative almost all the known armed Naga outfits based
in Nagaland have come under ambit of negotiation for a
‘final settlement’. This is, indeed, a major success,
as the Union Government had earlier called for wider participation,
and had signed the Framework
Agreement with the Isak-Muivah faction
of NSCN (NSCN-IM)
on August 3, 2015. In an exclusive interview to Nagaland
Post on May 15, 2015, Ravi had categorically stated
that his approach was to take the entire Naga society
on board. Elaborating further he had clarified that “there
is nothing called settlement with NSCN-IM as it is a settlement
of the Naga issue.”
Nevertheless,
worries persist. Talks with NSCN-IM continue to drag on.
Reports indicate that the talks have hit hurdles due to
NSCN-IM’s insistence on a separate constitution for the
proposed ‘Nagalim’. An unnamed ‘senior functionary’ of
NSCN-IM reportedly asserted, "Having a separate constitution
for the Nagas has become the bone of contention in the
talks." Earlier, on August 13, 2016, a
joint communiqué was issued by both
NSCN-IM ‘general secretary’ Thuingaleng Muivah and R.
N. Ravi in which it was stated, “We assure the people
that the talks have been progressing in the right direction
with determination. We are closer than ever before to
the final settlement and hope to conclude it sooner (rather)
than later.”
At this
juncture widening the arc of talks may, in fact, have
the potential to irk NSCN-IM, which has always claimed
to be the ‘sole representative of the Naga people’. In
a statement
issued on April 3, 2015, NSCN-IM ‘general secretary’ T.
Muivah had claimed that “the GoI [Government of India]
and the Nagas represented by the NSCN are in the process
of working out an honourable political solution acceptable
to both.”
It may,
however, be a case that the Government has reached out
to the new grouping with the tacit support of the NSCN-IM.
The implications of the new initiative, however, remain
to be seen. Indeed, according to an August 24, 2017, report
on the issue of the Government’s desire to take all Naga
factions on board for the ‘final agreement’, an unnamed
NSCN-IM source had said that it is understood that the
Centre wanted other groups to accept the agreed points
with the NSCN-IM and accept the final accord. Significantly,
on September 13, 2015, NNC had stated that any agreement
arrived between the NSCN-IM and New Delhi would be “invalid”
because the Naga people have, at no point of time, given
the mandate to NSCN-IM or any other group other than NNC
to negotiate on the Naga issue.
Moreover,
the Khaplang faction of the National Socialist Council
of Nagaland (NSCN-K),
presently the most violently
active group in the region, continues
to remain out of the ambit of talks. On March 31, 2015,
NSCN-K had unilaterally
abridged the CFA signed between the
outfit and the Union Government on April 28, 2001. Subsequently,
the Union Government also called off the agreement with
NSCN-K in a statement released on April 28, 2015.
Worryingly,
according to an October 21, 2017, news report, an Intelligence
Bureau (IB) report suggests that there are frequent meetings
between the Chinese and NSCN-K leaders at Ruli and Kunming
in China's Yunnan province. The Chinese are reported to
have held at least two meetings in a month with NSCN-K
to ensure that the peace talks are stalled.
Further,
there have been substantial changes in the leadership
structure of both the NSCN-IM and NSCN-K. Two of the prominent
figures of the Naga insurgency recently passed away. Shangwang
Shangyung Khaplang, ‘chairman’ of NSCN-K, died
on June 9, 2017, after a prolonged illness in a hospital
at Taga in the Sagaing Division of Myanmar. Earlier, Isak
Chisi Swu, ‘chairman’ of NSCN-IM, had died
of multiple organ failure at a hospital in Delhi, on June
28, 2016. Khango Konyak replaced S.S. Khaplang in NSCN-K,
while the post of ‘chairman’ remains vacant in NSCN-IM.
Also, on May 19, 2016, the Kholi Kitovi faction of NSCN
(NSCN-KK) leader ‘general (retired)’ Kholi Konyak, moved
to NSCN-IM and joined as its ‘vice-chairman’. M B Neokpao
Konyak replaced Kholi Konyak and the erstwhile NSCN-KK
is now known as the Kitovi-Neokpao faction of NSCN (NSCN-KN)]
The Naga
Peace talks have taken an interesting turn with the inclusion
of several other formations. An ‘inclusive’ settlement
would certainly be an optimal outcome to resolve the longest
surviving insurgency in the Northeast; but this is still
a long way off.
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Weekly Fatalities: Major
Conflicts in South Asia
November
6 - 12, 2017
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Civilians
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Security
Force Personnel
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Terrorists/Insurgents
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Total
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INDIA
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Jammu and
Kashmir
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0
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1
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3
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4
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Left-Wing
Extremism
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Chhattisgarh
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0
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1
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9
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10
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INDIA (Total)
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0
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2
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12
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14
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PAKISTAN
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Balochistan
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0
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4
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1
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5
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FATA
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0
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1
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5
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6
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KP
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0
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2
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0
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2
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Punjab
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2
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0
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0
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2
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Sindh
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0
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0
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3
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3
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PAKISTAN
(Total)
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2
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7
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9
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18
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Provisional
data compiled from English language media sources.
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