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Social Science and Contemporary Conflicts
The Challenge of Research on Terrorism
Ajai Sahni*
The
study of terrorism as an academic discipline is very much in its infancy.
This is the case, not just in South Asia, but across the world, and
as recently as in 1977, one of the pioneers of terrorism research, Paul
Wilkinson, observed:
…in
the colourful aviary of contemporary Academia many shriek and squawk
against any project of this kind. Some, while admitting the fact of
terrorism in the contemporary world, want its defenestration from
the ivory tower either because of academic snobbery or plain squeamishness.
One is reminded of the widespread academic prejudice against war studies.
War, like terrorism, is a nasty, bloody, messy business which, some
wish to argue, should only be studied by universities under the cache
sexe of ‘Peace’ or ‘Conflict’ studies.1
Since
then, however, terrorism research has developed significantly in the
West, with a number of Universities setting up departments dedicated
to the study of terrorism, insurgencies and political violence, and
a significant proliferation of Think Tanks and other research institutions
focusing on these issues.
South
Asia in general and India in particular have, however, remained at the
periphery of the substantial research activity that has followed. India
has, over the past decades, suffered enormously as a result of terrorism
and low intensity warfare. It has scored dramatic victories in its struggle
against an unscrupulous and relentless enemy, one, who has, almost invariably,
been encouraged, armed and supported from across its borders. Nevertheless,
the realities of this struggle have gone substantially unnoticed – or
have been willfully ignored in this research. There is today, little
commentary on the sustained wars of attrition being carried out within
India’s borders. Worse still, the little that is published on the subject
displays systematic biases, and is often either written by or on behalf
of those who are encouraging, supporting or financing terrorism in India.
A few examples from the very limited literature on the subject will
help illustrate the point.
Through
the 1990s, Western research that sought to give an overview of terrorism
in the world entirely omitted mention of this region. Thus, a study
on ethnic terrorism in 1998 observed,
Ethnic
terrorists are neither limited geographically nor unique to the current
time period. They have been active around the globe: the Liberation
Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in Sri Lanka, the Irgun in Palestine,
the Kurdish Workers Party (PKK) in Turkey, the Provisional Irish Republican
Army (PIRA) in Northern Ireland, and the Basque separatist group Euskadi
ta Askatasuna (ETA) in Spain are all examples of ethnic terrorist
groups.2
The
omission, here, of the multiplicity of ethnic terrorist conflicts in
India was not an individual aberration, but reflected a systematic neglect
of this region in the literature. Of the several specialised journals
focusing on terrorism and low intensity warfare published in English,
there had only been an occasional paper that referred to or focused
on terrorism in India during this period. Relatively minor movements
in Africa and the Middle East received far greater attention, and, of
course, any terrorist movement or action that had an impact on Europe
or the United States receives overwhelming attention.
The
situation has changed radically over the past two years, and a substantial
volume of literature on conflict in this region has subsequently burgeoned,
particularly after India and Pakistan were imprinted on Western consciousness,
by the Pokhran and Chagai blasts in 1998, as the new theatres of a possible
nuclear confrontation. The trend intensified even further after the
US State Department declared in 2000 – with little startling or new
evidence – that there had been a "geographical shift of the locus
of terror from the Middle East to South Asia."3
On May 1, 2000, the then Secretary of State, Madeline Albright
had also noted a sudden "eastward shift in terrorism's center of
gravity" towards South Asia. It is unsurprising, consequently,
that this idea of a ‘geographical shift’ is now being increasingly and
vigorously propounded, identifying Afghanistan, Pakistan and Kashmir
as the new loci and primary sources of extremist Islamic militancy.
There are, however, some difficulties with this notion. The first and
more obvious is the fact that there is no evidence of any sudden or
abrupt ‘shift’, or a radical discontinuity in the situation at or around
the time this thesis was propounded – Afghanistan’s spiral into chaos
has been an inexorable fact for over a decade, as has Pakistan’s complicity
in the activities of Islamic fundamentalist terrorist groups, and the
steady decline of its polity; even a cursory glance at fatalities in
Kashmir would confirm, moreover, that terrorism has been at comparable
levels in this theatre for over a decade.4
To
those familiar with the course of terrorist movements in the region,
there was no radical discontinuity between the situation at any time
in 1999-2000, and it is interesting to see how an arbitrary shift in
American perceptions (or perhaps the US agenda) has dramatic reverberations
throughout the intellectual community across the world.
The
surfeit of literature on ‘Islam as a threat’ that currently abounds
in Western academia – characteristically dominated by the American paradigm
– misses a crucial point. It is hazardous to focus inordinately on the
transient geographical location or concentrations of terrorist activity,
to the exclusion of its ideological moorings and state sponsors, or
their intended targets and proclaimed goals. The error here is the
belief that the threat of Islamic terrorism is contained within the
regions of its most visible manifestation. But extremist Islam must
be recognized for its essential character as an ideology and terrorism
as a method that it accepts and justifies. A method will be adopted
wherever it is perceived to have acceptable probabilities of success.
An ideology extends wherever it has believers. These are the actual
limits or ‘foci’ of extremist Islamic terrorism.
The
upswing in scholarship on the ‘Islamic threat’ needs to be assessed
within the context of the influence of the American research paradigm
on security studies across the world. It is a shift in geographical
loci of perceived US ‘strategic interests’ that has substantially created
the impetus for much of this research. Within the context of a fundamentally
altered international polity, the unipolar ‘New World Order’, this is
an expected development. However, South Asia, and indeed India, are
presently uniquely placed, and would need to challenge such exclusive
and dominating frames of reference. A plurality of approaches towards
terrorism and internal conflict, dictated by hard data on the ground
situation, and not by an externally imposed ‘dominant paradigm’, is
necessary to produce a valid, efficacious and practical understanding
of the complex threat in this region. The totalizing Western framework
needs to be questioned, and research priorities must increasingly be
focused on the study of the actual theatres of conflict.
Unfortunately,
the ‘retainer’ approach has tended to be endemic in Indian scholarship.
The exclusive emphasis on J&K as a theatre of low intensity conflict,
and the enormous neglect of India’s Northeast, as well of a number of
other terrorist movements, including Left-wing extremism (Naxalism),
for instance, is an expression, not of local sensibilities, but of extraneous
interests. Kashmir is, of course, the most important low intensity war
in the region – both in terms of immediate strategic threat and a variety
of critical indices, including fatalities – but it is not the only one.
This is true, equally, of the current trends in scholarship on Islamic
fundamentalism, which tend to ignore its vital ideological basis, since
its source is located precisely in countries that have long existed
under the western security umbrella and continue to do so.
Nevertheless,
with the US gradually perceiving itself as a target of increasingly
lethal terrorist attacks from mushrooming Islamic terror networks, there
has been an intensifying confocal5 research
interest on South Asia. There are twin dangers here, the first, a consequence
of the ‘retainer’ approach to research, is visible in the shrunken and
simplified perspective on other theatres of conflict; the second is
that, with little documentation or research on the range of conflicts,
increased international attention has often meant little more than the
magnification of gross misconceptions and the wider dissemination of
disinformation, with "academia simply churning out endless tertiary
accounts based on secondary ones."6
The character and scale of this disinformation can be gauged by some
examples of what has passed for research and scholarship on conflicts
in South Asia in the past, and the distortions that have crept into
the information systems and records even of highly regarded institutions,
with significant, though clearly not adequate, safeguards against their
motivated manipulation.
We
find, thus, a highly regarded "World Conflict and Human Rights
Map, 2000" published from the Netherlands declaring that, (on the
basis of ‘data’ relating to 1999) there were as many as 14 ‘low intensity
conflicts’ in India. These included, amazingly, to those who live in
this region, ‘low intensity conflicts’ in Bombay (listed separately)
and Maharashtra, Haryana, Madhya Pradesh, Punjab and Uttar Pradesh.
Similarly, in Pakistan, low intensity wars were shown to be ongoing
in the year 2000 in the North Western Frontier Province (NWFP) and in
Baluchistan – both theatres that had been more or less quiescent for
several years.7
Such
perceptions, with virtually no basis in reality, have been embedded
in the literature over the past decades. Perspectives even on a conflict
such as the movement for Khalistan in Punjab, which terminated well
over seven years ago, and to the study of which there is little attendant
risk, continue to reflect a curious contempt for facts, for data, and
for the minimal standards of academic rigor. A few of the more implausible
examples are interesting to note:
Mark
Juergensmeyer, an ‘international authority’ on Indian politics, reduces
the war against terrorism in the Punjab to a ‘caste war’ between the
‘jat Sikh’ militants and the ‘mazhabi Sikh’ and "churha"
police working at the behest of the ‘merchant caste’ political and administrative
leadership. He writes:
In
the absence of a legitimate government in the Punjab, the rural area
became a no man's land in the battle between the militants and the
armed police. The war was exacerbated by caste; the militants were
largely poor, younger members of the dominant caste in the Punjab,
the jats. The leaders of the police and the central administration
of the Punjab were often urban Hindus and Sikhs from merchant castes
- traditional rivals of the Jats. The armed police waging the
war in the villages on the urban Hindus' behalf were often members
of the lower castes, who in the past often acted as serfs for Jat
Sikhs.8
In
a footnote to this section, he adds,
Punjab
Police are often drawn from the so-called backward castes, such as
the blacksmiths and carpenters, as well as from the lowest, the scheduled
castes which include churas (sweepers). Urban sweepers, known
as balmikis, have traditionally been Hindus and have allied
with urban merchant-caste Hindus (such as aroras and khatris).
Rural churas are often Sikh; known as Mazhabis (believers),
they have traditionally been allies of the Jat Sikhs. In modern
times, however, economic opportunities offered by government service
have drawn large numbers into the army and the police…. The other
major group within the Punjab scheduled castes, the chamars
(leather workers), who are both Sikh and Hindu, have become economically
more successful and less dependant on Jat support than the
churas…
No
statistics relating to the caste composition of the police, no sources
and no authority is cited to support these views, and the only cross
reference given is to another of Juergensmeyer’s own writings. But this
is a red herring. It refers us to Juergensmeyer’s Religion as Social
Vision,9 for a "background on Punjab
untouchables." Juergensmeyer’s analysis of the Punjab conflict
was, moreover, written years after the then Director General of Police,
Punjab, K.P.S. Gill, had declared in a succession of interviews that
the conflict in Punjab was a fight between "jat Sikhs and
jat Sikhs."10 After such a
position had been articulated by a major authority on, and player in,
the conflict, minimal standards of academic research would have required
at least a more rigorous process of confirmation or disconfirmation
to have been followed before a radical departure was suggested.
The
selective use of confirmatory information along preconceived lines,
to the exclusion of the realities of the ground, is also well illustrated
in the writings of Joyce Pettigrew. In her Sikhs of the Punjab,
Pettigrew chooses entirely to ignore the history of the strife and communal
mobilization of the Sikhs over the years preceding June 1984, and to
define the ‘causes’ of terrorism in Punjab purely along the lines articulated
by the advocates and proponents of Khalistan: land relations and the
agrarian situation; military recruitment policies of the Indian state;
the reaction to the events of 1984 (Operation Blue Star and the anti-Sikh
riots following Indira Gandhi’s assassination); and police activities
in the villages.11 Pettigrew asserts that
"allegiance to modern political institutions was replaced by armed
conflict only after the attack on the two central Sikh institutions,
the Darbar Sahib and the Akal Takth…. and the murder of four thousand
and more Sikhs in the cities of Northern India" in 1984.12
In what is certainly an extraordinarily perverse interpretation of the
Sikh Faith, Pettigrew adds further, on the basis of the testimony of
some of the most prominent terrorists who were responsible for the murder
of numberless, predominantly Sikh, civilians, that "It is the guerrillas
who have defended the Sikh way of life."13
The fact, as K.P.S. Gill notes, that "it was overwhelmingly the
Sikhs themselves who were the victims of terrorism…(and)… it was the
Sikhs – in far larger numbers than ever comprised the terrorist armies
– that stood against the movement for Khalistan,"14
does not, in Pettigrew’s vision, detract from the yeoman service rendered
to the cause of the Faith by the ‘guerrillas’. Gill, in contrast, is
emphatic that it was a
…gross
abuse of the teachings of the Gurus, and the petty, malicious conspiracy
for power that inspired this heretical campaign… The Sikhs have been
involved in warfare almost throughout their history, but no campaign
has ever brought odium and disgrace upon them and upon their Faith
as this despicable movement did. And yet the Faith, and a majority
of the community, in whose name the most unforgivable atrocities were
committed – against every explicit tenet of that very Faith – had
nothing whatsoever to do with this lunatic and savage adventure. Indeed,
it was this very community that most vigorously resisted, and eventually
helped defeat, the scourge of terror in Punjab.15
The
effort to project terrorism as a noble religious revolt, or as a mass
movement of the Sikhs, is similarly rubbished by Indian historians who
cannot share Pettigrew’s comfortably distanced perspective:
The
mass of Sikhs refused to accept that the separatists and the terrorists
were fighting in defence of Sikh religion and Sikh interests. To most
Sikhs it became gradually clear that the terrorists were abusing and
betraying their religion, debasing Sikh institutions and the teaching
of the Sikh gurus and defiling the gurudwaras. Of the 11,700 killed
by the terrorists in Punjab during 1981-93, more than 61 per cent
were Sikhs.16
Interestingly,
a study of the motives for joining terrorist ranks in Punjab found that
as many as 74 per cent of the terrorists samples by the study startlingly
cited ‘Shaukia’ (out of fun) as their reason for taking to the
gun; 21 per cent were influenced or persuaded by other terrorists, especially
relatives; 12 per cent also indicated that the moving impulse was smuggling,
‘looting’ or making money. Just 5 per cent were inspired by the ideology
of Khalistan, with 3 per cent mentioning the influence of Jarnail Singh
Bhindranwale; 4 per cent mentioned anger at Operation Blue Star, the
anti-Sikh riots of 1984, and related reasons. Just 2.5 per cent mentioned
harassment by the police, with another 2.5 per cent identifying harassment
by the terrorists as their motive.17 And
yet, for Pettigrew, the Khalistani terrorists were noble rebels against
the unbearable oppression of the Indian state, and the upholders of
the tenets and the honour of Sikhism.
In
another case, Hew McLeod, another ‘expert’ on Punjab, writes,
...In
recent times a new chapter has been added and Sikh martyrology now
lists the name of Jarnail Singh Bhindranvale and others like him,
men who in the late 1980s and early 1990s laid down their lives while
defending the Panth against the designs of evil men and women from
Delhi.18
Apart
from the questions of fact that can be raised on this claim, this is
hardly the language of academic analysis. But these distortions have
also characterised the writings of Indians and of writers of Indian
origin, especially those whose sympathies lie squarely with the militants.
Thus, Sangat Singh claims that, in Punjab, between 1 and 1.2 million
"Sikh youths (sic) have been liquidated one way or the other"
during the period 1981-91. He adds: "The mass scale killing of
the Sikh youth and massive induction of Purbeas in Punjab to
reduce the Sikhs to a minority in Punjab by the end of the century are
two main ingredients of Congress (I) policy."19
These casualty figures and theories are trotted out by various ‘scholars’
of this ilk with little concern for consistency, logic or historical
fact, and are substantially the articulation of the ‘conspiracy theories’
and sense of victimization that dominate their delusional world view.
However,
supposedly ‘objective’ writers and intellectuals from Punjab have been
equally slovenly about facts. Thus we have Patwant Singh claiming, sweepingly,
without qualification and without the burden of any evidence, that during
the period of terrorism in Punjab, "everyday crime was also attributed
to the Sikhs – as if the State were free of all crime except for the
criminal activities of ‘terrorists’!"20
The fact, however, is that even in the years 1990-92, generally acknowledged
as the peak of terrorism, the registration of cases of general crime
in Punjab rose dramatically. For instance: comparisons between murders
categorised as Terrorist / General crime gives the following figures
– 1990: 2467 (Terrorist) / 1570 (General); 1991: 2591 / 1810; 1992:
1518 / 1169; the figures in the general category are almost twice
the subsequent peacetime average. Statistics on other categories
of serious crime display similar trends. These statistics do not constitute
classified information and are easily available from the Punjab police.
Their neglect represents nothing more than the personal prejudices of
the writer.21
These
systematic distortions have been exaggerated hundred-fold in the writings
– currently widely projected through the Internet – of those who openly
advocate the cause of ‘Khalistan’. There are, at present, several websites
dedicated to the cause of ‘Khalistan’ and, while these had tended to
become somewhat static in 1997-98, there is now enormous and continuous
activity on these sites. Grossly exaggerated reports and utterly absurd
statements are repeated constantly on these sites. Thus we find that
the Council for Khalistan website recorded in its annual submission
to the United Nations Working Group on Enforced and Involuntary Disappearances
in 1998 that "a quarter of a million Sikhs" had been "liquidated"
by the Indian State.22 It supposedly ‘quotes’
former Speaker of the Indian Parliament Balram Jakhar as having said,
"If we have to kill a million Sikhs to preserve India's territorial
integrity, so be it."23 Needless to say,
there is not even the remotest confirmation of a source for such a statement.
It
would be easy to dismiss the wild accusations of Khalistani advocates
as so much rubbish – part of the innumerable ‘hate sites’ that proliferate
on the Internet. The campaign of these advocates of terrorism and separatism,
however, are not restricted to the net, but comprehend systematic efforts
to influence a number of international institutions and national agencies
of their countries of domicile. Thus, the Council for Khalistan secured
admission to the Unrepresented Nations and People’s Organisation (UNPO)
in 1993 through a sustained campaign of misrepresentation.24
Organisations purporting to represent Khalistan (and other Indian militant
groups), moreover, make annual submissions before various Human Rights
and United Nations bodies,25 creating an
elaborate chronicle of alleged violations that, in substantial measure,
goes into the records of these institutions without effective contradiction
or rebuttal. This campaign has also been consistently carried into the
British Parliament and the US Congress as well, through a number of
‘sympathisers’ and paid lobbyists, and there have been several statements
in the US Congress alleging a continued campaign of ‘Indian genocide’
in Punjab.26
The
preceding and rather extended ‘outline of intellectual rubbish’ on terrorism
in India has a purpose. Many of the distortions in international research
and perceptions are a consequence, not necessarily of a basic antagonism
or of malice (though some certainly are). They are born, instead, out
of a lack of adequate information, data and critical inputs from, and
research by, independent agencies directly in contact with the actors
in and areas of the conflict, which could constitute a reliable backdrop
to academic analysis by commentators located hundreds or thousands of
miles away from the actual ground situation about which they are writing,
and with which their familiarity is based on fitful and brief ‘field
tours,’ during which they are often ‘guided’ by interested parties.
These patterns of research and writing reflect an acute case of the
larger and "continuing misuse of theoretical models and the shallowness
of methodological approaches"27 prevalent
in the entire field of terrorism studies, of which it is noted:
There
are probably few areas in the social science literature in which so
much is written on the basis of so little research. Perhaps as much
as 80 per cent of the literature is not research-based in any rigorous
sense….28
The
difficulty is that, for instance, despite at least one movement in India
that has lasted nearly 50 years, and several others that have exceeded
10 years, the academic community within the country has not committed
itself in sufficient measure to the documentation and study of issues
relating to terrorism and insurgency. To the extent that there has been
some academic writing, it has chosen ‘safe areas’ – such as discourses
on the definition of terrorism, the ‘root causes’ of terrorism, and
the distinctions between terrorism and ‘liberation struggles’; or politically
correct ‘meta-issues’ – such as human rights and political violence
– that do not demand engagement on the ground or unpleasant field research
in the affected areas. Current scholarship appears to be insulated from
the more demanding and crucial aspects of the conflicts, and from the
areas of risk, while reductionism and an entirely doctrinaire approach
dominates most such analyses
While
this is true of terrorist conflicts, where risks of engagement are extraordinarily
high, it is not necessarily the case in other areas of conflict studies
– such as caste and communal conflict – where a substantial volume of
research has been forthcoming. Unfortunately, the character of the discourse
even in these areas has tended to be partisan or doctrinaire or at the
level of politically correct rhetoric, and not of the incisive analyses
that could aid resolution or policy-making. The inability of academics
to abandon the baggage of ideologies, of dominant paradigms and partisan
affiliations, and to look clearly at the situation and at the facts
and events as honestly and clearly as these can be construed, has severely
undermined the relevance and impact of conflict research in India. The
academic discourse has also been variously distorted (as has thinking
in governance) by intellectual inertia, by passing fashions of thought,
and by the tyranny of public opinion and media endorsement. There has
been little effort or courage to challenge received wisdom or settled
orthodoxies – except in the language or idiom of another such orthodoxy.
There are, moreover, the "grosser problems of confidentiality,
secrecy and publication" that inevitably afflict research in highly
controversial and ‘sensitive’ subjects,29
and that creates a virtually unbridgeable gap between the scholar and
the administrator.
Over
the decades, consequently, both the policy-making and the academic community
have substantially transformed themselves into relatively ‘closed’ systems,
dominated by an incestuous discourse addressed only to their own colleagues
and peers. There is, as a result, knee-jerk resistance to ‘interference’
from any other source, particularly one that is sometimes regarded as
fundamentally ‘hostile’ to the activities of either of these ‘systems’.
These tendencies are magnified even further as a result of the regime
of indiscriminate secrecy that dominates much of governance in India.
These
are probably a small and arbitrary selection of the structural constraints
that keep practical policy out of the sphere of influence of academic
research. The cumulative impact of all such constraints, however, is
that they have progressively marginalized social science research in
terms of its impact on policy, particularly in problematical areas such
as the management of conflict. In India (and indeed, perhaps, all of
South Asia) the influence and feedback received from the academic community
on the incessant chain of crises that afflict the region, is negligible,
even, perhaps, non-existent.
Among
the most significant reasons for this, is the reluctance of the academic
community to address complex, even dangerous, issues while these are
still alive. Researchers have, by and large, preferred to look at conflict
from the safety of a few intervening decades. To take an example, even
today, over eight years after terrorism was defeated in Punjab, there
is only one book on the terrorist movement there that has even a pretension
to empirical or field research.30 This
is not to say that there have been no publications on this conflict,
but that they have primarily been written by journalists, former civil
servants, politicians, or propagandists of the defeated movement, and
many of these substantially fail to meet standards of academic rigor
and consistency. Even today, in the numerous theatres of ongoing terrorist
violence in India, there is simply no empirical focus or academic feedback.
There is, indeed, little effort even to draw from a synthesis of experiences
of various administrators and counter-terrorism practitioners who have
worked in these situations. Research, evidently and regrettably, is
considered to be a remote option, if not an actual luxury.
There
is a mirror image of this neglect. The policy-maker and executive’s
attitude to the findings of research tends to be just as ambivalent.
By and large, he seeks "reassurance rather than enlightenment,"31
and their transient interest may not necessarily be in some abiding
‘truth’, but in information that can contribute to the success of ongoing
programmes and policies. The problem is compounded when politicians
have invested ‘substantial political capital in a particular policy’,
and feel that the findings of specific research may compromise long-term
goals. Thus, where research findings can be expected to be critical
of ongoing programmes (and all research would contain some critical
elements, which are vulnerable to political exploitation), there is
active resistance to such a focus. The motives, here, are not necessarily
murky or dishonest. The tasks and time frames of administration demand
a degree of reductionism, and virtually every action has some negative
fallout. Excessive focus on the possible injuries of a specific course
of action can result in a paralysis of governance. The gap between the
practical orientation of the administrator and the ‘purist’ goals of
the academic often forecloses the possibility of a fruitful association.
There are, therefore, significant differences between the policy establishment
and academia over conflict management practices that necessarily impact
upon the policies being followed. Commenting on these differences Maurice
Hayes opines:
What
the academic sees as a ‘problem’ or as a subject for research comes
from theory or abstract thought. The policy maker gets his problems
delivered to his plate by the political process. There is no point
in one blaming the other for being academic or theoretical on the
one hand, or political on the other. The inexorable nature of the
pressures, too, means that the policy maker is looking for answers
rather than explanations, and for advice and guidance rather than
general theory.32
The
Indian civil services suffer, moreover, from the ‘cult of the generalist’,
and an inability to develop any degree of specialization among their
personnel. The problem is aggravated by policies of task allocation
and transfer that do not value continuity of experience. The result
is that there is little opportunity for the development of long-term
perspectives and a knowledge base that may help in an authoritative
and informed assessment of emerging or ongoing emergencies. Even when
significant research findings – drawn from experience or fieldwork –
are able to point out the lacunae in the existing paradigm of response,
and to offer alternatives, the efficacy of such an exercise is lost
in the indecisiveness of the security establishment.
The
bureaucracy itself is too notoriously sluggish to require a detailed
critique in the present context. Ideas take too long to gain acceptability
within the administration or to significantly influence the policy framework,
and transitions to new conceptual frameworks and procedures are painfully
slow. Far greater reliance is placed on ad hoc approaches and
suppositions, than on any coherent framework of assessment and response.
It has been remarked that ‘bureaucrats left to themselves will easily
indulge in corruption, abuse of power, laziness and inefficiency,’33
and bureaucrats in India have, for an extended period of time, been
left substantially to themselves. The only oversight they have had,
by and large, has been that of the political executive. Unfortunately,
given the present quality and calibre of India’s political leadership,
this is, in most cases, more of a problem than a measure of accountability.
Nevertheless,
it is not sufficient to argue purely from the perspective of the paraphernalia
of governance that refuses, or is not properly equipped, to execute
its duties with an adequate sense of commitment, integrity or responsibility.
There are, in fact, objective constraints on policy makers, whether
civil servants or politicians, that severely restrict their capacities
to receive, absorb or utilize research findings.
The
sheer enormity and inescapable imperatives of the daily routine precludes
a wide range of options for the bureaucracy. This is especially problematic
in conflict related departments – such as the Home Ministry and the
law enforcement agencies – where a sense of continuous, immediate and
iterative crises blocks out the possibility of developing a ‘big picture’
perspective; and even where this may exist, in translating it into effective
policy and action. This specific difficulty is compounded by the prevalence
of an attitude and orientation that is its exact opposite in academia.
Where the administrator cannot fix his attention on the context of an
ongoing problem or crisis for any length of time, academics are generally
unable to complete research within a time-frame that would make their
findings relevant to the resolution of conflict in any but the most
indirect way of a gradual alteration of the context of discourse. "The
disease which seems to prevent Ph.D. theses from being completed in
time, has contributed to the delay in many research projects beyond
the time at which they can be helpful. The wheels of government grind
on without it."34
The
necessity, in such a context, is to devise possibilities of revival,
and of reasserting the central role of the intellectual and academic
community in the spheres of public policy and welfare, in national reconstruction,
and specifically in the management and resolution of conflict. This
task has, perhaps, never before been quite as urgent as it is today,
in the contemporary world of unprecedented transformations, and of widespread
instability and strife. It is, moreover, not only the levels of persistent
violence that are a matter of urgent concern. The state’s responses
have predominantly been arbitrary, inadequate and inconsistent. Successive
administrations in India have displayed little capacity for institutional
learning, and current policies and tactics are seldom shaped by the
experience either of the successes or of the failures of the past. Nor
is there evidence of a strategic vision within which each existing or
emerging conflict is assessed. If this situation persists, the prognosis
for conflicts within the country is certain to remain bleak.
The
good news, in this generally dismal vista, is that there is an increasing
realization within government of these multiple deficiencies – though
the mechanisms to translate this realization into appropriate institutional
structures and processes of correction are still to be defined or developed.
This, precisely, is why the role of the social sciences now becomes
more critical. However, a substantial revolution, indeed, as one commentator
has expressed it, "a Copernican revolution in the knowledge process…
(and in) governance,"35 will have
to precede the concrete development of such mechanisms. The most significant
obstacle to such a revolution, however, lies in the mindsets of the
members of the governmental establishment, on the one hand, and the
academic community, on the other, and in a measure of reciprocal suspicion
and contempt that these reflect. It is fruitless to enter into a debate
on whether such attitudes can be historically justified on the basis
of the performance of the one or the other institution. Such a blame
game benefits no one. A more utilitarian exercise ought to be to look
at some of the specific deficiencies as they currently exist in each
of these institutions, essentially with a view to restore, or perhaps
even create anew, pathways of communications between the ivory towers
of academia and the realpolitik of administration. All future
collaborations between the policy and research communities will have
to be based on an infinitely better understanding of the strengths,
the weaknesses and the structural limitations of each by the other.
We
are confronted here, not with a localized failure, specific to Indian
academics, or a narrow aberration in a specialized subject, the study
of which is saturated with risk. Indeed, the approach to terrorism or
conflict, by and large, illustrates a magnification of a larger problem
in the social sciences, what Donald A. Schon evocatively refers to as
the "dilemma of rigor or relevance".
In
the varying topography of professional practice, there is a high,
hard ground overlooking a swamp. On the high ground, manageable problems
lend themselves to solution through the use of research-based theory
and technique. In the swampy lowlands, problems are messy and confusing
and incapable of technical solution. The irony of this situation is
that the problems of the high ground tend to be relatively unimportant
to individuals or to society at large, however great their technical
interest may be, while in the swamp lie the problems of greatest human
concern.36
The
difficulty lies not just in the ‘messy’ character of the problem and
the irreducible complexity of the issues involved, but in the inflexible
pursuit of conceptually elegant models of resolution, or of a rigid
adherence to contra-factual ideological constructs. These approaches
have produced a substantial literature, saturated with passion, and
committed to diametrically opposed postures and a polarization of the
discourse on virtually every issue relating to terrorism and counter-terrorism
policy. Fortunately, attitudes both within government and in academia
are undergoing a dramatic transformation today. Academics appear to
be a little more willing to ‘soil’ their hands and risk their reputations
by engaging in the uncertainties of ongoing crises, and policy makers
are more and more aware that they cannot continue to address these crises
in an ad hoc analytical vacuum. There is, today, an increasing,
albeit inchoate, awareness that, "A good and decent society needs
good politics. Good politics requires good theory. Good theory requires
good methodology."37
The
possibilities of a radical transformation of social science research
in the coming decades are, consequently, immense. It is necessary, however,
to approach this task of transformation with far more humility than
either civil servants or academics have displayed in the past. The polemical,
‘systemic’ debates of the 20th Century have tolerated, justified, and
often even inflicted, enormous suffering, great tyrannies and immense
and avoidable distress on large masses of people, and it is necessary
to avoid the blunders of our recent past. "A great deal of tentativeness
must attach to our judgments and actions in human affairs,"38
and it is necessary to guard against supplanting one set of reductionist
ideologies with another, and to focus firmly and consistently on the
complex, confusing and often conflicting realities of social and political
interaction in the real world. This warning is particularly urgent in
the present context in India, as we move from one ideological mantra
of ‘socialism’, to another, of ‘liberalization and globalisation’, with
a majority of our policy-makers entirely blind to the advantages of
the system they oppose, and the flaws of the one they advocate. This
is a natural problem, particularly when we struggle to come to terms
with the arbitrary and uncertain realities of human existence and the
increasing, chaotic, complexity of contemporary economic, social and
political organization, within which "adding more theories to current
theory is likely to be unhelpful."39
The point, now, is not to determine which theory is the better but rather
the conditions under which widely held propositions are sometimes true
and sometimes false.40 A fixed ideological
framework does, of course, help to bring some apparent order and a sense
of security within what has been described as the ‘fundamental insecurity
of the modern world’, but this is entirely illusory. Remarking on post-World
War II development theory, one critic observes that,
…both
the (socialist) orthodoxy, with their concern for planned change,
and the market-liberals, with their concern for spontaneous order,
were deeply concerned to address the insecurity of the social world
and to uncover some mechanism which would offer guarantees in respect
of future development… In both cases, humankind submits to an external
authority and is thereafter secure. However, all such strategies fail
because the project of modernity is both potent and insecure.41
Thus,
if social science research is to restore its links to policy and public
welfare, it is necessary for it to overcome the rigidities of its past,
and to allow its priorities to be defined by the, albeit chaotic and
unmanageable, pattern of events in the real world. The intellectual
community, both within and outside academics, will have to rally its
force against ideological extremes, paradigmatic rigidity and polarization
of all kinds if it is to be successful in identifying and pursuing efficient
solutions to contemporary problems.
Such
a reorientation will, naturally, meet with some resistance, and a transient
phase of conflict within the academic community is inevitable, as long-established
intellectual fiefdoms and the intellectual hegemony of specific ‘schools’
of thought and of ideologies are questioned. As these frameworks are
dismantled, it is possible – indeed, perhaps, inevitable – that other
equally rigid ideologies, including a range of revanchist creeds, will
seek to occupy the intellectual ‘space’ that is temporarily vacated.
In this scenario, it is the social scientist’s role and duty to inject
a measure of sanity and sagacity into the discourse, and not to engage
in polemics.
The
increasing consensus in favour of creating an effective role for social
science research in public policy and welfare will also have to be translated
into institutional structures, resources and processes. Three institutional
‘loci’ have generally been identified for social research, and this
is where the primary thrust of the ‘renaissance’ (if, indeed, it can
be catalysed) would have to be located. These are the ‘in-house’ research
institutions within government; ‘capital city’ think tanks; and university-based
centers of research.42 To the extent, however,
that these loci continue to operate in isolation, however, the possibility
of their ‘restoration’ would be compromised. The essential precondition
of the revival of the social sciences is in the creation of effective
and multiple operational pathways of cooperation, coordination and dissemination.
This implies enormous interdisciplinary research, continuous interaction
with government and its numerous agencies, and an increasing voice in
the popular media.
The
last of these deserves some further elaboration. There has, in the past,
been a quality of snobbery in the academic attitude to the popular media,
as opposed to ‘serious’ journals and publications (this is, of course,
being progressively and rapidly diluted). While it is the case that
academic proficiency and achievement cannot be judged through writings
in the popular Press, and must be based on the ‘peer review’ system
of academic publications, it is equally true that many sound ideas and
analyses have simply been stifled and killed in the musty shelves of
university libraries, or have reached a larger public long after their
relevance was lost. This is increasingly the case as our educated public
becomes less and less ‘literate’ in terms of the willingness to read
serious writing. Pathways will consequently have to be constructed between
academia and the popular media in order to generate a pressure for change,
based on a wider – if relatively less detailed – understanding of events
in their social, political and ideological context.
The
most crucial shift that is needed, however, is a necessary corollary
of the earlier emphasis on a rejection of a ‘doctrinaire’ approach that
social science research on conflict must be increasingly hands-on. It
must be carried out, not just in the identified ‘loci’ of academic research,
but primarily in the field, with all its attendant risks. It is important
to understand, here, that security is not just the responsibility of
the ‘security forces’ and of the government, but is the concern and
responsibility of every single citizen. If academics believe that they
can help the government resolve conflict from the security of the protected
university campus, they deceive themselves. While isolation and reflection
are important for the assessment and analysis of the complexity of facts
and the dynamics of conflict, familiarity with these facts and dynamics
is a precondition of such analysis and reflection – and such familiarity
can be gained only in the actual areas of conflict. Bland statistics
and banal secondary sources cannot replace the understanding that comes
through engagement in field research at the time when the conflict
is current.
There
will, of course, be many problems with such research, and these are
not limited to the risks of violence and possible resistance by government
and security agencies to what may, initially, be perceived as unwarranted
interference. The fact is, the bulk of conflict research in India has
been based on a regurgitation of data compiled and released by various
government agencies, and this has many limitations, not only of possible
bias, but of scope as well. There are an immensely large number of critical
variables that simply do not fall within the ambit of government statistics.
Many of these are complex, concerned with secretive closed systems and
no methodological precedents or authoritative norms exist for their
study. This is, for instance, a problem that would certainly be confronted
in the study of the dynamics and impact of terrorism and organized crime.
But the availability of ready data and established methods of study
cannot be allowed to continue to define research priorities. It is necessary
that social scientists carve out new pathways of empirical research
and methodologies precisely in the areas where information is the least
and most difficult to secure.
A
great deal of inventiveness and initiative will need to be exercised
in order to do meaningful research on such problems; the methods, analyses
and findings will, for some time, appear crude and may be misleading.
It is, however, only on the basis of such preliminary research and the
continuous – if fragmented – documentation of these hard-to-pin-down
variables, that a better understanding and improved methodologies can
be evolved. A glaring deficiency in the structure of research in India
has been the absence of a "scholarship of application,"43
and this is the case even in specialized institutions set up within
the security establishment to provide research support to policy assessment
and analysis in the government and its agencies. The development of
new methodologies and the study of the most fractious problems of our
age should, consequently, be one of the overriding priorities of social
science research in India.
Among
the various mechanisms and experiments that need to be undertaken to
link conflict research with practical goals and national priorities,
there is one that would prove to be extraordinarily effective. This
is the creation of a system of ‘attachments’ or ‘internships’ with various
government, enforcement and security agencies. Even short-term associations
of this nature can produce a sea change in the attitudes of social scientists,
and infinitely deepen their understanding of the actual dynamics and
realities of conflict management, as against the arcane ‘glass bead
games’ so many indulge in. Such a system of affiliations can, moreover,
significantly benefit administrators and security managers, creating
a superior critical understanding of the problems they are handling,
and better and more consistent systems of documentation and analysis
than those that currently exist. An experiment of this nature was attempted
in the judiciary in the early eighties, when the then Chief Justice
tried to introduce the American ‘court clerk’ system in the Supreme
Court. This system involved a senior law academic assisting the judge
in documenting, referencing and assessing case law. It was a brief experiment,
and other than its initiator, was not adopted by any other judge.44
The adoption of any similar system within the larger framework of administration
and the security apparatus would be an extremely radical development,
and will meet with enormous resistance from both conservative academics
and administrators. Academics will tend to overemphasize the dangers
of possible cooption and bias. But these are risks that must be taken,
and there will always be an independent mechanism of academic evaluation
to assess the degree of such subversion of the original intellectual
intent. On the other hand, administrators will tend to stress the need
for confidentiality and the inhibiting presence of ‘outsiders’ on critical
decision-making processes. But this is only the rigidity of habitual
thinking, and it is no one’s case that academics and scholars must immediately
be inducted into the core of the crisis management apparatus of government.
Once
again, there has been, at least, a partial ‘opening-up’ in this regard.
The Police and Army establishment, for instance, has now found it convenient
to run short ‘courses’ for journalists covering terrorism, during which
they spend time at various security establishments, and learn about,
and in some measure observe, the complexities and challenges of the
task of law enforcement, peace keeping, counter-terrorism operations
and defence. Such an approach is just a step away from a system of short-term
internship or research attachment that is suggested here, and there
are many areas in which, if the initiative is taken by the academic
community, it would be possible to develop a suitable working arrangement.
Another
significant area, which could bring forth an exponential increase in
the understanding of internal conflict and terrorism, is that of futures
research.45 To focus research towards a
variety of emerging factors in the near or distant future, and to undertake
a range of scenario projection and management exercises can go a long
way in identifying effective policy alternatives, and in pre-empting
a number of currently ‘unexpected’ eventualities. More often than not,
such an exercise of identification, projection and assessment in rapidly
evolving scenarios has been ignored within the security establishment.
The construction and projection of diverse perspectives on the latent
trajectories of the dynamics in theatres of conflict is increasingly
important, and will prove extraordinarily fruitful if properly managed.
Such an exercise can lead to more efficient early warning systems, and
the initiation of timely and appropriate response strategies. Perspectives
that seek to harness long-range latent trajectories can also assist
in constructing ‘alternative futures’ and choices, and such exercises
can influence the basic character of the discourse on conflict itself.
These
examples are only the tip of the iceberg of the extraordinary effort
that is needed to reorient the social sciences. "Contingency,"
Andreas Behnke remarks in another context, "rather than necessity,
seems to define the current research agenda."46
It is time that the social sciences turned their attention to the imperatives
of necessity.
* |
Dr.
Ajai Sahni is Executive Director, Institute for Conflict Management
and the South Asia Terrorism Portal; and Executive Editor, faultlines. |
- Paul Wilkinson,
Terrorism and the Liberal State, London: Macmillan Press Ltd.,
1977, p.ix.
- Daniel Byman, "The
Logic of Ethnic Terrorism", Studies in Conflict and Terrorism,
London, vol. 21, no.2, April-June 1998, p.149.
- Ambassador
Michael A. Sheehan, Coordinator for Counterterrorism, US Department
of State, Statement for the Record before the House International
Relations Committee, July 12, 2000, www.usinfo.state.gov/topical/pol/terror/00071702.htm.
- Total
Fatalities in J&K: 1990 – 1177; 1991 – 1393; 1992 – 1909; 1993
– 2567; 1994 – 2899; 1995 – 2795; 1996 – 2903; 1997 – 2372; 1998 –
2261; 1999 – 2538; 2000 – 3288. Source: http://www.satp.org/India/J&K/Assessment_J&K.htm.
- The research interest
on the Islamic threat is increasingly being ‘expanded’ by scholars
hitherto focussing on other disparate areas.
- David W. Brannan,
et al, "Talking to ‘Terrorists’: Towards an Independent
Analytical Framework for the Study of Violent Substate Activism,"
Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, London, vol. 24, no. 1,
January-February, 2001, p. 13.
- Albert. J Jongman,
World Conflict and Human Rights Map 2000, prepared by Interdisciplinary
Research Programme on Causes of Human Rights Violation (PIOOM), Leiden,
The Netherlands for Institute for International Mediation and Conflict
Resolution (IIMCR) Washington, D.C, , 2000. ‘Low intensity conflicts’
were defined as conflicts that resulted in over 100 and less than
1000 fatalities a year.
- Mark Juergensmeyer,
Religious Nationalism Confronts The Secular State, New Delhi:
Oxford India Paperback, 1994, p. 97.
- Mark Juergensmeyer,
Religion as Social Vision: The Movement against Untouchability
in 20th Century Punjab, Berkley: University of California
Press, 1979; See also Juergensmeyer, Religious Rebels in the Punjab:
The Social Vision of Untouchables, Delhi: Ajanta Publishers, 1988.
- See for instance,
"K.P.S. Gill: True Grit," India Today, April 15,
1993, pp. 62-71, esp. p. 63.
- Joyce J.M. Pettigrew,
The Sikhs of the Punjab: Unheard Voices of State and Guerilla Violence,
London: Zed Books, 1995, p. 4.
- Ibid.,
p. 8.
- Ibid. p. 31.
The sheer perversion of the Sikh Faith in the movement for Khalistan
has been documented in some detail in K.P.S. Gill, Punjab: The
Knights of Falsehood, New Delhi: Har Anand, 1997.
- K.P.S. Gill, "Endgame
in Punjab: 1988-93", Faultlines: Writings on Conflict &
Resolution, New Delhi, vol.1, May 1999, p. 54.
- Ibid.,
p. 5.
- Bipan Chandra,
Mridula Mukherjee and Aditya Mukherjee, India After Independence:
1947-2000, New Delhi: Penguin Books, 2000, p. 338.
- Harish K. Puri,
Paramjit Singh Judge and Jagrup Singh Sekhon, Terrorism in Punjab:
Understanding Grassroots Reality, New Delhi: Har Anand Publications,
1999. pp. 68-70.
- Hew McLeod, Sikhism,
London: Penguin Books, 1997, p.130. Emphasis added.
- Sangat Singh,
The Sikhs in History, New Delhi: Uncommon Books, Second Edition,
1996, p.530.
- Patwant Singh,
The Sikhs, London: John Murray, 1999, p. 246.
- Cf. K.P.S.
Gill, "The Sikhs: Chronicle Untold", India Today,
April 12, 1999, http://www.india-today.com/itoday/12041999/books2.html.
- www.fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h980807-khalistan.htm.
Though this figure is, at least, an improvement on Sangat Singh’s
1 to 1.2 million, it exaggerates to the point of absurdity the actual
casualties which amount to a total of 21,594, over the period 1981-2000,
including 11,770 civilians, 8094 militants and 1,748 Security Force
(SF) personnel. http://www.satp.org/08aprilinternet/graph/Punjab/Data-yearwise.htm
- www.burningpunjab.com/visitor/imp.htm;
www.pakdef.com/articles/article3.html.
- India
subsequently reversed the UNPO’s decision after strong diplomatic
action. Nevertheless, photographs and documents on the Council of
Khalistan website continue to project the ‘fact’ that the UNPO recognizes
‘Khalistan’. See "Khalistan Admitted Into UNPO" at www.khalistan.net/unpo.htm.
- Arundhati Ghose,
"Terrorists, Human Rights & the United Nations," Faultlines:
Writings on Conflict & Resolution, vol. 1, May 1999, pp.73-86.
- 105th
Congress, 1st Session, Vice President Gore Letter Acknowledges
‘Civil Conflict in Khalistan’ www. khalistan.net/washtimes.htm#105TH.
See also "There is much support for an independent Khalistan,"
The Washington Times, page b2/Sunday, March 23, 1997 at www.khalistan.net/washtimes.htm#There.
- Brannan, et
al, "Talking to ‘Terrorists’", p. 5.
- Alex P. Schmid
and Albert J. Jongman, et al, Political Terrorism: A Research
Guide to Concepts Theories, Databases and Literatrure, Amsterdam:
North Holland Publishing, 1983, p. 179, cited in Brannan, et al,
"Talking to ‘Terrorists’, p. 8.
- Maurice
Hayes, "Conflict Research", Centre for the Study of Conflict,
University of Ulster, www.cain.ulst.ac.uk/csc/reports/research.htm.
- Harish K. Puri,
Paramjit Singh Judge and Jagrup Singh Sekhon, Terrorism in Punjab:
Understanding Grassroots Reality, New Delhi: Har Anand Publications,
1999.
- Hayes,
"Conflict Research", www.cain.ulst.ac.uk/csc/reports/research.htm.
- Ibid.
- Fred
W. Riggs, Bureaucracy and Constitutional Democracy, http://www2.hawaii.edu/~fredr/6-aps7a.htm
-
Hayes, Conflict Research.
- Larry Reynolds,
"Sociological Theory in the 21st Century", Archives
of the Transforming Sociology Series of the Red Feather Institute
for Advanced Studies in Sociology, No.133, http://www.tryoung.com/archives/133reynolds.html
- Donald A. Schon,
"The New Scholarship Requires a New Epistemology", Change,
November-December 1995, vol. 27, no. 6, pp.27-34.
- Reynolds, Sociological
Theory.
- K.P.S. Gill, personal
conversation with the author.
- Brannan, et
al, "Talking to ‘Terrorists’, p. 5.
- Reynolds, Sociological
Theory.
- Peter W. Preston,
"Development Theory: Learning the Lessons and Moving On",
The European Journal of Development Research, vol. 11, no.1,
June 1999, London: Frank Cass Publishers, pp. 12-13.
- Richard Rose cited
in Hayes, Conflict Research.
- Schon, The
New Scholarship.
- The ‘system’ adopted
was not precisely the American ‘court clerk’ model, but rather a single
appointment in the Registrar’s Office at the Supreme Court, of a Professor
of Law to assist the Chief Justice.
- Futures research,
the systematic study of possible future conditions, includes the analysis
of how those conditions might change as a result of the implementation
of policies and actions, and the consequences of these policies and
actions. It is not a science; the outcome of studies depends on the
methods used and the skills of the practitioners. Its purpose is not
to ‘know’ the future, but to help make better decisions today in the
context of the widest range of anticipated opportunities and threats,
and of the options of response available. www.geocities.com/CapitolHill/Senate/4787/millenium.applic-exsum.html.
- Andreas Behnke,
"The Message or the Messenger? Reflections on the Role of Security
Experts and the Securitization of Political Issues", Cooperation
and Conflict, London, vol.35, no. 1, p. 90.
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